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Secretary Clinton Visits Africa - Special Coverage From the Enough Project

Submitted by Zack Brisson on August 4, 2009 - 2:33pm.
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View Secretary Clinton's Trip to Africa in a larger map

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Africa in August, and you can follow the places and issues she encountered with this interactive map from the Enough Project. Follow her progress from Kenya all the way to Cape Verde. The map has with images, video, and reports from the trip.

 

Share Your Enough Moment

Posted by Enough Team on Jul 29, 2010

In their forthcoming book, The Enough Moment, John Prendergast and Don Cheadle present the stories of celebrities, activists and survivors who have dedicated their lives to advocating for human rights in Africa. It all begins with an "Enough Moment" -- an experience in your life when you realize you have to stand up, speak out, and organize with others on vital human rights issues in Africa.

The book hits stores Sept. 7, but you don’t have to wait to share your own Enough Moment. We’re interested in hearing your story now, so we’re gathering video versions of personal Enough Moments.

Just begin the video by introducing yourself: Tell us your name, where you live, and what you do. In three minutes or less, describe how you are involved in fighting for human rights in Africa, and the moment in your life that prompted you to take action.

Most importantly, be yourself. Film your video in a simple, natural environment. It's just you, on camera, sharing your story.

Want to see an example? Here's Enough's own Mari Wright sharing her Enough Moment.

When you're finished with your video, upload it to YouTube with the tag "enoughmoment." Please title it “[your name]’s Enough Moment.” For example, John would title his video “John Prendergast’s Enough Moment.” Finally, email the link to us at yourmoment@enoughproject.org.

Later this summer, we'll be launching a special Web site, www.enoughmoment.org, where your video will appear alongside other Enough Moments from celebrities, activists, and survivors.

To learn more about the book and to pre-order your own copy, click here.

Thank you, and we look forward to hearing about your Enough Moment.

What’s Wrong with U.S. Policy Toward Sudan, and How to Fix It: Report

Submitted by Ana Brzezinska on July 20, 2010 - 1:47pm.
in
Date: 
Jul 20, 2010
Author: 
John Prendergast

 

What's Wrong with U.S. Policy Toward Sudan, and How to Fix It: Report

Contact:

Jonathan Hutson, jhutson@enoughproject.org

Cell: +1-857-919-5130

 

WASHINGTON, D.C—The Enough Project has released a new report that argues that U.S. policy is not contributing in a meaningful way to creating peace and justice in Sudan, and suggests alternative steps that officials can take to make peace in Sudan a reality. With only six months until the self-determination referenda for South Sudan and Abyei, the report describes how U.S. policymakers have failed to act decisively to prevent a return to war between North and South Sudan, or to resolve the escalating conflict in Darfur.

 

In the report, titled, “What’s Wrong with U.S. Policy Toward Sudan, and How to Fix It,” Enough Co-founder John Prendergast argues that the words and actions of U.S. officials have undermined the administration’s influence in Sudan, just when its efforts are needed most.

 

“The time has come for an urgent rethink of how the United States can contribute to peace in Sudan now, building on the lessons of the recent past,” writes Prendergast.

 

The report outlines four specific areas where U.S. policy is off course. These include a flawed peace process in Darfur, a hands-off approach to critical negotiations to prevent renewed North-South war, the role of the Unites States in building leverage for peace, and justice as an essential component of sustainable peace.

 

“The United States made a major contribution to peace-making in Sudan in the past decade,” argues Prendergast. “Sadly, the Obama administration is not building on the lessons of past success and thus is not positioning itself to play the role that is needed in averting all-out war in 2011.”

 

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Enough is a project of the Center for American Progress to end genocide and crimes against humanity. Founded in 2007, the Enough Project focuses on crises in Sudan, eastern Congo, and areas of Africa affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army. Enough’s strategy papers and briefings provide sharp field analysis and targeted policy recommendations based on a “3P” crisis response strategy: promoting durable peace, providing civilian protection, and punishing perpetrators of atrocities. Enough works with concerned citizens, advocates, and policy makers to prevent, mitigate, and resolve these crises. For more information, please visit www.enoughproject.org.

Rights Groups Respond to New "Genocide" Arrest Warrant for President Bashir

Submitted by Kelsey Wickel on July 13, 2010 - 10:33am.
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Date: 
Jul 13, 2010





             

CONTACTS:                                           
 
Jenn Sturm,jsturm@enoughproject.org, 202.351.1892
 
Janessa Goldbeck, goldbeck@genocideintervention.net,202.559.7405
 
Neelam Mohammed, nmohammed@savedarfur.org, 202.556.2114
 
Joshua Berkman, jberkman@ajws.org, 212.792.2893
 
 
 
RIGHTS GROUPS RESPOND TO NEW “GENOCIDE” ARREST WARRANT FOR PRESIDENT BASHIR
International community must bring Bashir and other indictees to justice and prevent violent retaliation by Bashir regime

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Four human rights advocacy organizations - the Enough Project at the Center for American Progress,  Genocide Intervention Network, the Save Darfur Coalition, and the American Jewish World Service - jointly issued the following statement in response.

 
The issuance of a second arrest warrant for President Al-Bashir for three counts of genocide requires the international community to fully support the ICC and renew its efforts to apprehend him and all others wanted by the ICC for crimes committed in Darfur. The Government of Sudan should immediately turn over President al-Bashir to face trial in The Hague. Barring this unlikely cooperation, the United States and the international community should work together to ensure Bashir’s swift arrest.
 
After the ICC issued the first warrant for al-Bashir’s arrest in March 2009, President Bashir evicted more than a dozen international aid groups from Sudan, putting thousands of lives at risk. The international community did little to challenge this retaliation, and critically needed services, including aid for survivors of sexual violence, were lost and never replaced in Darfur. President Obama, the UN Security Council, and other world leaders must make it clear to President Bashir that any new retaliation against humanitarian efforts will be met with clear consequences. Sudanese civilians should not be targeted as justice is pursued for those who have died and suffered in Darfur.
 
The Bashir regime's decades of crimes must end. While risk of a return to full-scale, national war grows and a referendum for southern Sudanese self-determination draws near, the Obama administration should put in action the consequences and pressures it promised for the lack of measurable progress and continued backsliding on key benchmarks by the Government of Sudan and other parties. The United States also needs to intensify its diplomatic efforts to find a path to peace in Sudan, with support from President Obama and other senior members of his foreign policy team.
 
“Accountability is a fundamental component of sustainable peace in Sudan,” says John Prendergast, Co-Founder of the Enough Project. “President Obama should make abundantly clear his unequivocal support for peace rooted in justice in Sudan by sending the message that consequences will result from any retaliation against Sudanese civilians as a result of this warrant, and by building stronger international support for this warrant.”
 
“The American people are expecting President Obama to fulfill his campaign promises and forcefully support the ICC and protect civilians in Sudan,” says Mark Hanis, President of the Genocide Intervention Network. “The United States government should reaffirm its support for the ICC’s pursuit of justice in Darfur and should work together with UN Security Council and ICC member states to ensure the swift enforcement of this and all ICC arrest warrants for those accused of atrocities in Darfur, including al-Bashir.”
 
“The United States and broader international community must vigilantly monitor for any threats or acts of violence or other repression against civilians, Sudanese human rights activists, aid workers or peacekeepers,” says Mark Lotwis, Acting President of the Save Darfur Coalition. “While pushing for al-Bashir’s apprehension, the Obama administration must lead efforts to prevent a repeat of the merciless and cruel retaliation by the Khartoum regime last year.”
 
“Today’s decision comes at a perilous time for the Sudanese people,” said American Jewish World Service (AJWS) president Ruth Messinger. “The Obama administration’s vigilance in implementing the accountability mechanisms central to its Sudan policy is critical to ensure this decision is not used as a pretext to punish civilians and interrupt life-saving aid.”
 
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Enough Project – Enough is a project of the Center for American Progress to end genocide and crimes against humanity. Founded in 2007, Enough focuses on crises in Sudan, Chad, eastern Congo, northern Uganda, Somalia, and Zimbabwe. Enough's strategy papers and briefings provide sharp field analysis and targeted policy recommendations based on a "3P" crisis response strategy: promoting durable peace, providing civilian protection, and punishing perpetrators of atrocities. Enough works with concerned citizens, advocates, and policy makers to prevent, mitigate, and resolve these crises. Visit www.enoughproject.org.
 
Genocide Intervention Network –Genocide Intervention Network is working to build the first permanent anti-genocide constituency, mobilizing the political will to stop genocide when it occurs. Accessible online at www.GenocideIntervention.net, Genocide Intervention Network empowers individuals with the tools to stop genocide.

The Save Darfur Coalition – an alliance of more than 190 faith-based, advocacy and human rights organizations – raises public awareness about the ongoing crisis in Darfur and mobilizes a unified response to promote peace throughout the Darfur region and all of Sudan. The coalition’s member organizations represent 130 million people of all ages, races, religions and political affiliations united together to help the people of Sudan. Please join the movement at www.SaveDarfur.org.
 
American Jewish World Service – American Jewish World Service (AJWS) is an international development organization motivated by Judaism's imperative to pursue justice. AJWS is dedicated to alleviating poverty, hunger and disease among the people of the developing world regardless of race, religion or nationality. Through grants to grassroots organizations, volunteer service, advocacy and education, AJWS fosters civil society, sustainable development and human rights for all people, while promoting the values and responsibilities of global citizenship within the Jewish community. Visit www.ajws.org.

 

Field Dispatch: Disturbing Developments in the Hunt for Kony

Submitted by Kelsey Wickel on June 29, 2010 - 4:03pm.
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Although the details remain highly murky, it appears that the Ugandan army suffered a significant loss of troops in the Central African Republic, or CAR, as those forces continue to hunt for Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army. 

Author: 
Ledio Cakaj
Jun 29, 2010
 
Fighters with the LRA (AP Image)
 
Although the details remain highly murky, it appears that the Ugandan army suffered a significant loss of troops in the Central African Republic, or CAR, as those forces continue to hunt for Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army. Exactly how many troops were lost and under what circumstances remain a matter of controversy, and there has been significant speculation groups other than the LRA may have also been involved. While this mystery may not be resolved any time soon, the incident again underscores the fact that the current efforts to apprehend the LRA leadership remain inadequate and demand strengthened international assistance and focus.
 
Here is what we know. According to a variety of sources—including the Ugandan media—a number of Ugandan army troops were found dead in CAR at the end of May, 2010. The number of soldiers killed is in dispute and varies widely depending on the source. The Daily Monitor reported 18 dead, but the Chief of Staff for the Ugandan army, General Aronda, insisted that only 10 soldiers had been killed. Other sources told Enough that as many as 53 soldiers—almost an entire squad—were killed. At least five soldiers, the majority officers—including the radio operator—are reported missing in action. According to this same source, 17 bodies were returned to a morgue at the Gulu army barracks in northern Uganda, while others were returned to their respective places of origin elsewhere in Uganda. Some of the bodies were allegedly mutilated. Enough was unable to independently verify these claims.
 
The Ugandan military was quick to implicate forces other than the LRA as having orchestrated these killings. Ugandan officials claimed that the perpetrators were “Sudanese militias” or “Sudanese poachers.” However, given that a large loss of life to the LRA would run counter to the Ugandan military’s consistent claim that the rebels are a spent force largely on the run, there is a clear incentive for the Ugandans to implicate other forces in the incident.
 
According to a source in the Ugandan army, on May 26, 2010, a squad of 58 soldiers from the Ugandan Third Battalion operating northeast of Djemah in CAR lost contact with its tactical headquarters. A team of soldiers sent to investigate initially found seven bodies, and that attacks against the squad had occurred in multiple locations. 
 
The commander of the investigating team maintained that the camp of those who attacked the squad did not bear the usual signs of the LRA. The commander noted that the camp showed signs of pack animals, likely donkeys, which would be unusual for the LRA. The commander suggested that the attackers may have been janjaweed militias from neighboring Sudan, as they frequently travel on donkeys.[1] The Ugandan military and such militias have frequently encountered each other in CAR, but have never previously been hostile. If such a militia or group of armed traders did attack the Ugandans, it’s important to ask: why the change of behavior?
 

 
 
While it is certainly possible that these forces killed the Ugandans, the direct or indirect involvement of the LRA should not be discounted. LRA troops could have lured Ugandans into a trap manned by other forces, or conducted the killings directly themselves.
 
In fact, another Ugandan army squad operating in the areas of the attack had encountered a significant LRA contingent just days earlier. On May 22, 2010, this Ugandan unit clashed with a LRA group led by Okot Odhiambo, a senior LRA commander wanted by the International Criminal Court. Odhiambo’s contingent had joined with a second LRA group led by Major Odooki and the two groups fled to the north, toward the area where the Ugandan soldiers were found dead several days later. Odhiambo, together with Dominic Ongwen and Joseph Kony, comprise the LRA’s senior command. Apparently Odhiambo and Kony have been operating in relatively close proximity during the past year, so it is possible that Kony was not far way. The Ugandan army squad that was attacked may have had the misfortune of being in the wrong place at the wrong time, encountering a sizeable massing of LRA fighters who felt that they had no choice but to fight to protect their senior leadership.
 
This incident is the latest setback in a Ugandan offensive against the LRA that seems to have stalled this year after some important initial momentum. As described in Enough’s latest report, “On the Heels of Kony: The Untold Tragedy Unfolding in CAR,” the Ugandan army took three LRA commanders off the battlefield in September 2009, capturing Major Okot Atiak, and killing Major Okello Kalalang and Brigadier Santos Alit. However, the last time the Ugandans killed a senior commander was in December 2009, and it now appears that the 18-month-long campaign against the LRA has taken a steady toll on the Ugandan army.
 
The initial deployment of some 5,000 Ugandan troops across Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and CAR has recently been reduced, with two battalions—approximately 1,000 soldiers—redeployed from CAR to the volatile Karamoja region in northeastern Uganda. Additional troops are expected to return to Uganda as that country’s electoral campaign heats up in advance of the February 2011 elections. A spokesperson recently stated that the army would be deployed to put down any potential unrest around the elections, and these soldiers will almost certainly have to come from contingents currently operating in Congo or CAR.
 
Dwindling troop strength on the ground, difficult living conditions, and recent losses are all combining to erode the morale of rank and file Ugandan soldiers pursuing the LRA. Alleged infighting among senior Ugandan army commanders has also darkened the atmosphere for troops involved in the campaign. The Ugandan commander in CAR, Colonel Emmanuel Rwashande, was reportedly removed by the overall commander overseeing the LRA operation, Brigadier Charles Otema in a disagreement about strategy. Colonel Peter Elwelu, a former commander of the African Union force in Somalia, replaced Rwashande. It is possible that this shuffle in command may have caused a delay in the response to the attacked Ugandan soldiers.
 
The LRA continue to pose an escalating threat to civilians. One June 10, LRA fighters abducted 30 people in Fode, CAR. Moreover, LRA fighters appear to be returning to their former bases in the Garamba National Park in northeastern Congo. Former LRA fighters also told Enough that the LRA recently attacked areas just north of Garamba on Kony’s orders.
 
As the Obama Administration prepares its strategy to deal with the LRA, it is more apparent than ever that maintaining the status quo is unacceptable. Policymakers must understand the actual situation on the ground, and the compelling need for far greater levels of international commitment and resources to apprehend the LRA leadership and neutralize their threat to civilians.  

[1] Janjaweed, as used by the Ugandans, is a fairly loose term applied to Sudanese groups from southern Darfur in CAR, and can include Sudanese traders that are armed and travelled on donkeys.

Tiptoeing Around Africa’s Human Rights Abusers

Posted by Laura Heaton on Jun 21, 2010
Obama billboard

This post originally appeared on Change.org's Human Rights blog.

The Obama administration rolled out an impressive full afternoon event last week at the State Department, headlined by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, which was very clearly designed to win over an audience of 300+ Africa specialists.

If the sampling of people I spoke to there were representative of the larger group, and I believe they were, there’s a sense of disappointment about President Obama’s limited engagement with the continent. Some pundits, like the New Yorker’s George Packer, point out, “Obama never placed democracy and human rights at the center of his foreign policy.” But President Obama’s well-regarded speech in Ghana last year certainly raised these expectations.

However, the briefing didn’t alleviate these concerns about the Obama administration’s follow-through, at least not on the conflict mitigation/prevention front.

Among my colleagues at the Enough Project and our partner organizations working on some of the most egregious human rights abuses, there is a particular frustration about the Obama administration’s hesitancy to criticize or use pressure to influence some of the continent’s most repressive leaders. Certainly after the policies of the Bush administration, the trend toward humility and respectful engagement is refreshing. But where’s the red line? So far, the Obama administration has been shockingly tolerant of backsliding on human rights issues and disrespect for democratic values, seemingly favoring policies that maintain the status quo rather than push for bold reforms.

Take the volatile Horn of Africa, for instance. The United States has good relations with most governments in the region, which is a useful diplomatic tool. But as Somalia expert Professor Ken Menkhaus aptly pointed out at a House subcommittee hearing recently, many of these governments are despised by their own people. The United States risks undermining the renewed good graces that the Obama administration ushered in if the U.S. government doesn’t using its leverage to push these “partners” to reign in corruption, address impunity rampant among security forces, allow press to report freely without fear of retribution. (I could list specific countries for each of these abuses, but this paragraph would get awfully long.)

Click here to continue reading.

 

Photo: Billboard honoring President Obama in Ghana (AP)

Broad Strokes and Positive Spin as State Dept Spotlights Africa

Posted by Laura Heaton on Jun 16, 2010

In true Obama administration fashion, emphasizing open government and engagement, the State Department rolled out an impressive event Monday featuring top U.S. officials focused on U.S. diplomacy in sub-Saharan Africa. With Secretary of State Hillary Clinton rounding out the line-up and each official gamely taking audience questions, the point they were trying to make was clear: The Obama administration is fully focused on Africa.

The lengthy program and the frequent references to the trips Obama administration officials have made to the continent gave the impression that the key goal was to allay concerns that the administration is not living up to the expectations it set for engaging with Africa.

We heard from Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson, Ambassador-At-Large for Global Women’s Issues Melanne Verveer, and Tim Shortley, deputy to the special envoy on Sudan, among the eight speakers in all. And the officials who might have been expected to participate all had good excuses. USAID administrator Raj Shah? In Senegal. U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice? Attending a Sudan briefing in New York. Sudan Special Envoy Gration? Traveling in the region to negotiate with Sudan's neighbors.

The nearly four-hour long event drew a packed room of NGO staff, members of the African diaspora, researchers, students, and even two members of Congress, Representatives Donald Payne (D-NJ), who stayed for the full program and mingled with the crowd during breaks, and Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX).

A year and a half into the Obama administration, foreign policy pundits muse about whether the excitement progressives felt for President Obama were blinders that led many to misinterpret his priorities to suit their own passions and concerns. Perhaps we idealized Obama’s positions to the point that we attributed priorities to the president that he never articulated? This line of questioning is especially alarming when it comes from quarters that the administration didn’t expect to have to win over, such as the 300+ crowd gathered the auditorium in Foggy Bottom yesterday.

As concern mounts over the lack of preparation for the likely split of Sudan, the floundering Darfur peace process, the stranglehold of Shabaab militants in Somalia, ongoing sexual violence and massive displacement in eastern Congo – to name a few crises – many Africa watchers are frustrated that top officials in the Obama administration haven’t made these issues a higher priority and signaled that importance by getting directly involved in implementing policy. There was also a hope that the United States would hold its partners – like the Government of Southern Sudan, Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government, and the Rwandan government of President Paul Kagame – accountable for undemocratic policies, backsliding on human rights issues, or corruption, whichever the case may be. (It was an interesting coincidence that Monday’s New York Times featured a photo of a child soldier in Somalia on the front page, with the headline “Children Carry Guns for U.S. Ally, Somalia.”)

So with Vice President Joe Biden just back from a week-long trip to Kenya and South Africa and USAID chief Raj Shah participating in an economic forum in Senegal, it was the ideal moment to do some outreach to organizations and individuals working on Africa and make the case that much is going on behind the scenes.

As the final presenter, Secretary Clinton seemed to sum up the goal with a direct appeal to the audience members:

“[W]e need to do a better job of spreading the word about the progress in Africa. So if you’re part of the African diaspora community, we want you to stay in touch with us to get information about what we’re doing and what the impacts are, and we also need your advice. If you’re a student, we want to look for ways to involve you in the work that is improving the lives of the African people, whether it’s in public health, agriculture or entrepreneurship. If you’re in an NGO, we want you to let us know what you’re doing so we can better partner with you and support you.”

It’s certainly true that daily news coverage focuses very little on Africa (the current month, with all eyes on South Africa, being an obvious exception), so undoubtedly much of the good work that the Obama administration is undertaking there is going unnoticed. But when we narrow in on Africa’s crisis zones, rather than try to generalize about the continent as a whole, the fact is that the people of countries like Sudan and Somalia are heading towards more suffering, not less.

 

Photo: Secretary Clinton takes questions from the audience at a briefing about U.S. engagement in Africa. (State Department)

Mo Ibrahim African Leadership Prize: No Worthy Candidates for 2010

Posted by Laura Heaton on Jun 14, 2010

For the second year in a row, a prize recognizing excellence in leadership in Africa will not be awarded. The Mo Ibrahim Foundation said yesterday that no new candidates for the $5 million prize had emerged in the year since its selection committee decided that none of the eligible African former heads of state met the criteria for 2009.

Indeed, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation seems to accomplishing its goal – albeit in a less celebratory way – of provoking debate about good governance in Africa.

The prize is given to a democratically elected head of state who served his or her term in office within the parameters set by the country’s constitution and left office within the past three years. Since the Mo Ibrahim Foundation was founded in late 2006, Joaquim Chissano, former president of Mozambique, and Festus Mogae, former president of Botswana, have received the prize. Former South African President Nelson Mandela received an honorary prize in 2007.

Despite the gloomy message that the announcement sends, the foundation emphasized that the narrow criteria make for a small candidate pool each year and that according to statistics compiled in the Ibrahim Index, governance across the continent is in fact improving. “Nevertheless, the Foundation is anything but complacent about the standards of governance in Africa,” a statement said.

With a slew of presidential elections scheduled to take place in sub-Saharan Africa over the next year, the Ibrahim Prize selection committee should have a broader pool to select from the next time around. Here’s to hoping that one of the candidates is worthy of the honor. 

 

Photo: Mo Ibrahim (AP)

Human Rights Watch Film Festival Opens in NYC

Posted by Laura Heaton on Jun 11, 2010

Opening tonight and running through June 24, the Human Rights Watch film festival in New York City will feature 30 films from 25 countries, touching on three main themes: accountability and justice; development and migration; and societies in conflict, focusing on Afghanistan and Iraq. Human Rights Watch and The Film Society of Lincoln Center put together an impressive line-up, with 28 films making their New York debuts.

Here are a few that we think Enough Said followers might be particularly interested to see, with links to pages with showtimes at the festival and trailers:

Enemies of the People
Follow filmmaker Thet Sambath as he uncovers terrifying personal explanations for the Cambodian genocide by allowing the perpetrators to speak for themselves.

Moloch Tropical
Master filmmaker Raoul Peck takes us to a hilltop fortress in Haiti where we watch the nation’s President disintegrate before our eyes—destroyed by a combination of his own paranoia and an increasingly absurd political situation.

Pushing the Elephant
The story of Rose Mapendo, who was separated during the conflict from her five-year-old daughter, Nangabire. Through the story of their reunion, we come to understand the excruciating decisions Rose made in order to survive and the complex difficulties Nangabire faces as a refugee in the U.S.

The Balibo Conspiracy
The Balibo Conspiracy dramatizes the importance of bearing witness, no matter the risk. Set in 1975 East Timor, The Balibo Conspiracy tells the true story of crimes that have been covered up for over 30 years. (Screened last night as part of a Human Rights Watch benefit.)

War Don Don
The story of the sensational trial of Issa Sesay at the Special Court for Sierra Leone - a case that illustrates both the complexities of achieving justice and addressing a nation's traumatic past.

Youth Producing Change
Youth Producing Change presents stories from teen filmmakers across the globe as they turn the camera on their own lives and invite audiences to experience the world as they do every day.

Tickets are available here for individual films or as packages, and most films are shown at The Film Society of the Lincoln Center.

If Enough Said’s experience at the film festival last year was any indication (and we think it was), filmmakers and special guests – often the “movie stars” featured in the documentaries – attend many of the screenings and sometimes take audience questions. Be sure to peruse the schedule for those special events.

5 Best Stories You Might Have Missed This Week

Posted by Laura Heaton on Jun 04, 2010
Enough Project

Here at Enough, we often swap emails with interesting articles and feature stories that we come across in our favorite publications and on our favorite websites. We wanted to share some of these stories with you as part of our effort to keep you up to date on what you need to know in the world of anti-genocide and crimes against humanity work.

Gearing up for the ICC Review Conference in Kampala, Uganda this week and next, Bridget Conley-Zilkic interviewed Diane Orentlicher, deputy in the Office of War Crimes Issues at the Department of State, for the Voices on Genocide Prevention podcast series. Prof. Orentlicher talked about what the United States hopes to see happen in Kampala, now that the U.S. is engaging in the ICC as a non-state party observer. She also diplomatically, but substantively, discussed the hot topic of the crime of aggression.

Hereway Holland put together a useful Reuters Factbox on the political climate in Rwanda and some trends to watch in the lead up to national elections in August. Covering potential rifts in Rwanda’s ruling party, crackdowns on opposition groups, regional considerations, and even the stability of the country’s stock market, it’s a good primer for those planning to follow what’s sure to be an eventful, and hopefully peaceful, election season.  

Opening tonight in select theaters, Living in Emergency follows four doctors with Doctors Without Borders, or MSF, through stints in eastern Congo and post-conflict Liberia. It was the first time MSF permitted a film crew to capture the day-to-day experiences of those working in the field, and the film was shortlisted for an Oscar in the Documentary Feature category. Here are some additional details about the film and the trailer:

Foreign Policy and Washington Post reporter Colum Lynch was a guest on PRI’s The World this week, where he talked about his recent piece, 10 Worst U.N. Security Council Resolutions Ever (which we recommended in last week’s 5 Best Stories). Host Marco Werman asked the longtime United Nations watcher some interesting questions about how the world body operates – things you probably didn’t realize you wanted to know, but are now you glad you do. (Like does the U.N. ever retire resolutions? Is there any rhyme or reason to the numbers?)

Taking advantage of all the dignitaries coming to town for the ICC Review Conference, the Africa Youth Initiative Network led by Victor Ochen organized a soccer match to highlight the plight of war crimes survivors from the central African countries where the ICC has open cases. Ochen’s organization convinced U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to suit up for the match, and Mark Leon Goldberg previewed the event on U.N. Dispatch, including some details about Goldberg’s chance meeting with Ochen in 2008.

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